Sin in the City: Chicago and Revivalism, 1880-1920 by Thekla Ellen Joiner
Long before today’s culture wars,
the “Third Great Awakening” rocked America. During the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries, evangelists such as Dwight L. Moody and Billy Sunday
roused citizens to renounce sin as it manifested in popular culture, moral
ambiguity, and the changing role of women.
Sin
in the City
examines three urban revivals in turn-of-the-century Chicago to show how
revivalists negotiated that era’s perceived racial, sexual, and class threats.
While most studies of this movement have focused on its male leaders and their
interactions with society, Thekla Ellen Joiner raises new questions about
gender and race by exploring Third Awakening revivalism as the ritualized
performance of an evangelical social system. Rather than approaching these
events merely as the achievements of persuasive men, she views them as
choreographed collective rituals reinforcing a moral order defined by ideals of
femininity, masculinity, and racial purity.
Q:
Why did you choose Chicago as the focus for your examination of revivalism?
Turn-of-the-century Chicago was very dynamic in a
way that highlights a complex array of competitive forces. When I began my work on revivalism, I saw
Chicago as an urban prototype that would allow me to study the collision of
industrialism, immigration, urban problems, and reform--and, in particular, the
role of evangelicals in this mix. Placing revivalists along with other Chicago evangelicals
in this urban context was an important part of the study, and Chicago had a
number of important evangelical leaders. Protestant elites like Nettie and Cyrus
McCormick, T. W. Harvey, and J. V. Farwell lived and worked in Chicago, which
was also home to several influential churches as well as the Moody Bible
Institute. These individuals and institutions supported individual revivalists
like D. L. Moody and provided the finances and expertise that were influential
in this revival era.
As an urban prototype, Chicago also had ample
amounts of urban “sin,” which of course was the threat that Third Awakening
revivals sought to buffer and defeat. The city’s large immigrant working class
was in the forefront of the labor movement, and some of the most important
labor actions of the late nineteenth century, like the Haymarket riot and the
Pullman strike, took place in the city. Saloons, prostitution, and early
entertainment and amusement venues predominated throughout the city. All of these
challenged the private and domestic moral order of evangelicals and became the
focus of their mission and outreach.
Because of its turn-of-the century civic and
business “boosterism,” Chicago has very good historical documentation. At the turn of the century, Chicago had at
least five newspapers that promoted the city’s moral uplift and provided extensive
coverage of Third Awakening revivals, including specific locations,
descriptions of the events, and the widespread outreach of female leaders.
Use of these sources allowed me to deepen our
understanding of the urban and social context of revivalism. Past studies of
the Third Awakening tended to focus on the male leadership or the revival events
themselves. I wanted to try to understand what revivals meant within a specific
urban context. Revival purposes and their alliance with other Protestant reform
movements come into clearer perspective. For example, the understanding of the 1893
World’s Fair revival is deepened in light of the Fair Board’s battle with the
Sabbatarians (a movement seeking to maintain the sanctity of the Lord’s Day and
guarantee that only religious activities occurred on that day) over whether or
not the Fair should remain open on Sunday; Virginia Asher’s message of moral
womanhood becomes more meaningful in the context of the efforts of the Social
Purity movement to outlaw prostitution in the city. Overall, Chicago offered an
ideal urban space as it confronted a wide array of challenges precisely as it
was entering the modern era.
Q:
You mention that the contributions of women in the Third Awakening have been
largely overlooked. How has this caused us to misunderstand the movement’s
dynamic?
Sin
in the City works on two levels in terms of the
dynamic of the Third Awakening. First,
on what I see as a fairly simple level, the book identifies the active role
that women played in the Third Awakening. Women’s activism offers a “boots on
the ground” way of looking at revival. Past perspectives have had men as the
main attraction. Looking at women encourages a broader focus that I think is a
more authentic means of understanding this phenomenon.
Women’s efforts were often outside the main event,
entailing street evangelism as well as widespread work in factories, saloons,
and brothels. During the 1910 Chapman-Alexander Simultaneous Campaign, for
example, Virginia Asher organized large-scale meetings for working women by
actually going to the factory floor in places like the “chipped beef” room of
Armour Meatpacking and the Kirk Soap Company to deliver her message. In the same revival, Asher received wide
publicity for her nighttime visit to the Everleigh House, which was probably
the most famous (or infamous) brothel west of the Appalachians.
Female revival leaders like Virginia Asher and Grace
Saxe have barely been mentioned in past studies of this era; yet these women
and others were professional revivalists who evidence the very skills that have
been so highly touted in male. They were charismatic speakers, singers,
organizers, and communicators who significantly contributed to the outreach and
impact of these revivals.
On another level, going beyond the representative female
and male revivalists, gender provided a central point of moral definition for
this movement. I argue in the book that Third Awakening revivalism is defined
by its defense of white middle-class gender roles and that this gendered
understanding is central to the dynamic of this period. Revivalism’s alliance with organizations like
the WCTU and the Social Purity movement along with endless revival references
and rituals that elevated moral womanhood and middle-class domesticity spiritualized
an underlying gender theology that has been written off by earlier historians as
nostalgic or anecdotal.
A central point in Sin in the City is that gender is an important element of the Third
Awakening because it informs the evangelical understanding of “sin” and that, over
the course of the era, this gendered perception shifts in significant ways. At
the end of the nineteenth century, and in earlier revivals, women were seen as
the moralizers of society and men were portrayed as the “bad seed.” By World War I, however, women’s growing
independence in both the private and public spheres increasingly positioned
them as threats to this same moral order. Without this gendered perspective, the
history of the Third Awakening is limited to a male-oriented and “top-down”
understanding of these socio-religious events.
Q:
How did the ways in which women established their identities and position in
the Third Awakening influence the gender dynamics of the new middle class?
Public activism by female revivalists within the Third
Awakening represented evangelicalism’s moralizing feminine ideal. They spent
their careers as middle-class models of womanhood and repeatedly orchestrated
rituals that promoted this identity in the city’s most sinful places--the
Midway at the Chicago World’s Fair, the famous Everleigh House brothel, on the
factory floor. I find it very
interesting that these women lived very public career-oriented lives, yet their
message espoused a gospel of domesticity, and they saw no contradiction between
their lifestyle and their message.
Q:
What relationship does the Third Awakening have to religious movements today?
The most obvious connection is the willingness today
of religious conservatives and groups to engage in social and political
activism in order to defend what they perceive to be a moral cause. Defense-of-marriage
and anti-abortion activism would be the best examples of this involvement. This is not unlike the Third Awakening’s
intervention into Chicago politics and its willingness to engage with controversial
social issues like saloon closings and the outlawing of prostitution.
In the twenty-first century the evangelical
subculture has become increasingly diverse and cannot be labeled with just one
perspective. The idea that all evangelicals speak with a united voice now is
difficult to support.
Q:
You mention that revivalists’ promotion of their moral regime served to defend
their position as the normative center of American culture. Do you think that
Evangelical values continue to function as the standard for the definition of
morality in America?
Conservative evangelicals continue to strive to hold
the normative center for American morality, and for many evangelicals the
struggle to maintain a moral regime continues. At the same time, the pervasive
overselling of the evangelical ideology along with its alliance with a strong
socio-economic conservatism has strengthened its alliance with the Republican
Party which, in light of the 2008 and 2012 elections, appears to be losing
ground.
Q:
Can you tell us about any upcoming projects or books you have in the works?
For the past three years I have been working with
John T. Caldwell on a documentary film titled "Highway 58:
Boron to Buttonwillow." We have used a120-mile stretch of
blacktop through Kern County, California, as a "lens" to understand
America's current racial, economic, and cultural politics. The film begins with
a nasty labor fight in Boron in 2010, when transnational giant Rio Tinto tried
to break the miners' union. Moving west along Highway 58, we filmed oral
histories of survivors of the migrant farm camps featured in Grapes of Wrath
as well the indigenous Oaxacans who have replaced the Oakies. We conclude with a look at the South Central
Farmers, who have been displaced from South Central Los Angeles to
Buttonwillow. The film maps
the complex cultural ways that the images, films, and narratives of this area
have been fabricated by “outsiders” and selectively reclaimed by “locals” and
residents to self-identify and weather severe hardships in the region. The final version will be completed in 2014.
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